Should BJP included in Maha-Telangana-Coalition

The announcement of an electoral tie-up between the TDP and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) has come as a blow to the BJP, which was trying hard to get the TRS as an electoral ally and a partner in the National Democratic Alliance.

To help the TRS make up its mind, two senior BJP leaders, president Rajnath Singh and prime ministerial candidate L.K. Advani, had announced the party’s commitment to creating a separate Telangana state.

Mr. Singh had also pointed out that the BJP was the “only national party” that had made such a commitment.

This point was emphasised by party spokesperson Prakash Javadekar here on Friday.

Should a national party like BJP included in the maha coalition?

Telangana a Foster Child of Andhra Pradesh

Telangana was never part of Andhra Pradesh. Right from Vizianagaram empire till the Madras presidency. It has its own people, culture and the development agenda





As the curtains come down for the bifurcation, let us wish that Telangana will prosper leaps and bounds as per the ambition of its people

Telangana Chief Minister Candidates - SRI P JANARDHAN REDDY (PJR)

Here we take a dig @ the prospective Chief Ministerial Candidates for the Telangana State

JANARDHAN REDDY, SRI P.

[210-Khairathabad (Hyderabad Dist.) I.N.C.]
Father's Name : Sri P. Papi Reddy
Category : General
Permanent Address : 1-2-412/10, Gangan Mahal Road,
Domalguda,
Hyderabad District.
Date & Place of Birth : 12th January, 1948
Domalguda, Hyderabad.
Educational Qualifications :
Profession : Trade Unionist
Number of terms elected : 5 Terms
to Assembly (1978, 1985, 1989, 1994, 2004)

Public Office held : Supervisor in A.P. Electrical
Equipment Corporation,
Sanathnagar, Hyderabad.
President, Associated Glass
Industries Workers Union.
President, A.P. Electrical Equipment
Corporation Employees Union.
President, A.P. Agro Industries
Employees Union.
President, Krishi Engines

Employees Union.
President, Alluminium Employees
Union.
President, A.P. Health and
Medical Employees Union.
President, A.P. Electrical and
Mechanical Employees Union.
President, A.P. State Construction
Corporation Employees Union.
President, Bio-Chemical Employees
Union.
President, Radiant Cable Union.
President, Telangana Spinning Mills
Employees Union
President, Nirmal Industries
Employees Union
President, Indo-Swing Employees
Union President, Royal Bakery
Employees Union & other number
of Unions.
Marital Status : Married
Name of the Spouse : Smt.P. Sulochana
Number of Children : Four Daughters
Hobbies : --
Special Interest : In Arts and Science Engineering
Favourite Pastime & : Kabaddi, Football, Swimming
Recreation
Publications : --
Travels abroad : --

Majlis ittehadul Muslimeen on Telangana Issue

Majlis ittehadul Muslimeen on Telangana Issue - 2006/11/14 19:25 Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen Reprsentation on Telangana Issue in New delhi to the SRC Commission Explanatory Note on Telangana

from: http://hyderabadmuslim.com/forum/politics/majlis-ittehadul-muslimeen-on-telangana-issue/view-3.html

At the outset, we would like to recount the historical perspective to the issue in a nutshell. In the British-ruled India, the erstwhile Hyderabad state (otherwise known as Nizam’s Dominions) was the largest and richest princely state in the country. When India became independent on August 15, 1947, Hyderabad state did not join the Indian Union as the seventh Nizam of Hyderabad Mir Osman Ali Khan wanted to remain “independent.” Following the Police Action (an euphemism for an offensive against Nizam state by the Indian Army that lasted a few days) in September 1948, the Nizam surrendered and signed the Instrument of Accession of Hyderabad into the Indian Union.
In the wake of the Police Action, certain communal elements of the majority community took advantage of the situation and perpetrated untold atrocities on Muslims in several outlying districts in Marathwada and Hyderabad-Karnatak region of erstwhile Hyderabad state. As a result, several thousand Muslim men were killed by hoodlums, their women raped or forced to commit suicide by jumping into wells to save their honour, Muslim properties were burnt and their agricultural lands were grabbed, resulting in large-scale migration from the rural area and towns in the affected districts to Hyderabad.
The integration of Hyderabad into Indian Union should have brought happiness and enthusiasm to one and all but due to certain aberrations, the Police Action induced nightmarish memories for the Muslims. However, no one can suspect the loyalties of Muslims to their motherland—India—and it is but natural that the Muslims in Hyderabad state, despite their sufferings and humiliation, became part and parcel of this great country and democracy.
After the Police Action, Hyderabad remained under military rule for a couple of years under General J N Chaudhary. In June 1950, a civilian government was formed with M K Vellodi as chief minister. In 1952, general elections were held and a popular Congress government under the chief ministership of Burugula Ramakrishna Rao was formed. The Communists took part in the general elections under the banner of People’s Democratic Front and bagged 39 seats versus 96 won by the Congress.
Here, it may be recalled that the Communists, who had launched the Telangana armed struggle against the feudal rule of the Nizam and the “Deshmukhs” in the erstwhile Hyderabad state in 1946, continued their armed insurgency against the Indian Union even after the merger of Hyderabad state into the Indian Union in 1948. In fact, they continued the armed struggle against the democratic Indian state till 1951 when they were persuaded by India’s first Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to join the mainstream.
So, as if to live down their controversial role of continuing the armed insurrection even after the accession of Hyderabad state into Indian Union, the Communists intensified their movement for “Visalandhra” (greater Andhra state) after the formation of separate Andhra state on October 1, 1953 with the carving out of the new state from the erstwhile composite Madras state. The comrades wanted the Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad state to be merged with Andhra state to form a greater Telugu state.
Subsequently, the Union government appointed the first States Reorganisation Commission, comprising Fazal Ali, K M Panikkar and H N Kunzru. Going into the demand for Visalandhra, the Fazal Ali Commission studied the pros and cons of (i) forming a full-fledged Telugu state (Visalandhra) by merging the Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad state with the Andhra state and (ii) forming a separate Telangana state comprising nine Telangana districts plus Bidar (in Hyderabad-Karnataka region).
In this backdrop, the Congress leaders from Andhra state and the Communist lobby exerted pressure on the powers-that-be to experiment with the formation of linguistic states and hence, Andhra Pradesh was formed in November 1956 as the first linguistic state with the merger of Andhra state and Telugu-speaking areas of Telangana. This meant trifurcation of the erstwhile Hyderabad state, with Telugu-speaking areas coming to Andhra Pradesh, Kannada-speaking tracts (Hyderabad-Karnataka region) merging with the then Mysore state and the Marathi-speaking region (Marathwada) being tagged onto the then Bombay state.
If the Police Action had impacted on the Muslims of erstwhile Hyderabad state by transforming them from the ruling class to the ruled overnight, the trifurcation of Hyderabad state and tagging on three distinct regions to three different states dealt another big blow to the Muslims. It was a three-way partition with some Muslim families coming under AP, some under Bombay state and some others under Mysore state. This brought about an acute sense of insecurity among the Muslim community, which found itself, divided into three political and geographical entities.
With the formation of AP, Hyderabad became the capital of the new state. Muslims heaved a sigh of relief when they were assured that their interests would be fully protected in the new state. The Gentlemen’s agreement signed in 1956 by Andhra and Telangana leaders before AP came into being, inter alia, provided for the continuance of domicile rules (Hyderabad Mulki Rules which stipulated 12 years’ stay in Telangana area to become a Mulki or a local) for recruitment to subordinate services. The Gentlemen’s Agreement, among other things, provided for earmarking 40 percent of the cabinet posts for Telangana, with atleast one Muslim from Telangana being represented in the cabinet.
The non-communal (secular) attitude of the people and leaders from Andhra region (which includes Rayalaseema) in contrast to the partisan and communally-biased attitude of leaders and people from Telangana region rekindled hopes among the Muslims in Hyderabad and other parts of Telangana. However, their dreams of getting their due share of the socio-economic and political pie in the integrated AP were belied when they realized that the creation of the new state merely opened the flood-gates for the exploitation of the people of this backward region by their resourceful counterparts from Andhra region.
Saga of gross injustice and neglect:
In the last five decades since the formation of Andhra Pradesh, a strong feeling has taken roots among the people of this region, including the minorities, that gross injustice has been done to them and their region despite the assurances trotted out by the successive regimes to fully abide by the Gentlemen’s Agreement, Mulki Rules, Six-Point Formula and the Presidential Order on Public Employment etc. In fact, the successive governments have tended to aggravate the situation by actively pursuing policies and actions in clear violation of the provisions of all these agreements and orders.
The state has witnessed two violent agitations—(i) in Telangana region during 1969-71 and (ii) in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema region in 1972-73—which claimed scores of innocent lives and led to untold repression on the people by the then governments. Telangana Praja Samithi swept Lok Sabha polls in Telangana in 1971, bagging 10 seats out of 14 in the region. TPS contested the polls on the plank of separate Telangana state. Subsequently, Congress leaders in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, seeking separate Andhra state, spearheaded the Jai Andhra movement in 1972.
During both these violent agitations, the Muslims in general and the All India Majlis-e-Ittehaadul Muslimeen in particular adopted a clear-cut stand against bifurcation of the state. The Muslims stood for an integrated Andhra Pradesh, much before the votaries of separate Telangana merged Telangana Praja Samithi back into the Congress and the Jai Andhra protagonists had no qualms in rejoining the Congress. It was the Muslims’ stand that was vindicated by the developments that followed both these separatist agitations.
As you are aware, a political settlement was hammered out in the wake of these separatist agitations. The Six Point Formula was evolved by the AP leaders in consultation with the Central leaders and formally announced on 21-09-1973 with the avowed objective of removing the misgivings then prevailing about the future of the (integrated) state. Necessary amendments were made to the Constitution by the Union Government through insertion of Article 371-D which, inter alia, authorized the President of India to make special provisions with respect to AP for equitable opportunities and facilities for the people belonging to different parts of the state in the matter of public employment and education.
Consequent to the Constitutional Amendment, the Presidential Order -- AP Public Employment (Organisation of Local Cadres and Regulation of Direct Recruitment) Order-- was issued on 20-10-1975. It was incorporated by the Government of AP in General Administration (SPF) Department Go Ms No 674 dated 20-10-1975. To facilitate the implementation of the Presidential Order on public employment, detailed instructions were issued in GO P No.728 (GA, SPF-A Department) dated 1-11-1975. GO Ms No 741 was issued on 7-11-1975 to regulate promotions etc.
However, a severe blow was dealt to the government employees—mostly Muslims hailing from Telangana-- during the tenure of the then Chief Minister Jalagam Vengala Rao (who incidentally hailed from Khammam district in Telangana) when he ordered the compulsory retirement of as many as 11,000 employees, taking advantage of the national emergency imposed by the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi in June 1975.
In pursuit of Six-Point Formula, regional boards were created for the three regions—Telangana, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. But another severe blow was administered to the government employees when, soon after Telugu Desam Party came to power following the 1983 Assembly elections, the then Chief Minister N.T. Rama Rao reduced the retirement age from 58 years to 55 years. Almost 58,000 employees were affected by this draconian and ill-conceived decision. Most of the employees who were retired en masse consequent to reduction in retirement age were from Telangana region and they included several thousand Muslim employees.
The NTR regime had also abolished the Regional Development Boards for the three regions without rhyme or reason in 1983. in 1989, the Congress government headed by Dr M Channa Reddy had promised to revive the Regional Boards but nothing happened. The Telugu Desam government, during N Chandrababu Naidu’s nine-year rule, had no inclination at all to revive these Boards. All the same, the absence of the regional boards only contributed to the perpetuation of regional inequalities and exacerbation of regional grievances.
Muslims have suffered in more ways than one. Bharatiya Jana Sangh in the 1960s/70s and its successor Bharatiya Janata Party in the 1980s/90s made efforts to develop their base in Telangana, exploiting the latent communal tendencies of the people of this backward region. Thus, the city of Hyderabad and several other towns in Telangana witnessed communal riots on a small scale in the late 1960s and 1970s. The BJP’s attempts to create and consolidate its votebanks led to recurrent communal violence in the 1980s and 1990s. BJP gained in strength since 1980s due to its alliance with Telugu Desam Party (between 1984-89 during NTR’s days and between 1998-2004 during Chandrababu’s tenure as Chief Minister).
Till the early 1980s, the Muslims felt at home because their cultural and linguistic identity was being protected. But with the advent of Telugu Desam Party, a sort of cultural and linguistic invasion of Hyderabad and Telangana began with NTR’s focus on Telugu language and culture. The socio-economic deprivation of the Muslims, which began in the early 1950s, got accentuated since the 1980s with systematic exploitation of Telangana and acquisition of lands and properties here by the Andhra settlers on the one hand and pursuit of reforms by the Chandrababu Naidu regime during 1995-2004 on the other.
During the last one decade, though there has been no recurrent communal violence in Hyderabad or elsewhere in the state, the previous Telugu Desam Party government resorted to a systematic campaign to harass the Muslim community at the behest of their ally—the BJP—by implicating several youth in alleged terrorist activities and by allowing the Gujarat police to pick up a number of Muslim youth from Hyderabad for alleged offences in Ahmedabad. The end-result was that the Muslims got totally alienated from TDP and voted en-masse for the Congress and its allies in the 2004 Assembly/Parliament elections.
In this backdrop, the Muslim community in AP in general and Telangana in particular has suffered neglect and indifference as well as partisan and biased attitude and action of the previous Telugu Desam government. The community has not only faced cultural and linguistic domination but its socio-economic conditions deteriorated. Over the years, there has also been political marginalisation of the Muslims, with their representation going down in the local bodies (municipal and panchayat raj bodies) as well as in the AP Legislative Assembly and the Parliament.
Despite the growth in the number of minority professional colleges and institutions, educational backwardness persists among the Muslims. Their literacy rate continues to be lower than the state’s average. The proportion of Muslims among the below the poverty line (BPL) population is higher than the general population. Local job opportunities are restricted for the Muslims since there is no fresh recruitment to public services (except in police, education and health departments).
Due to the sense of neglect and injustice perceived by the people of Telangana over the last five decades, political leaders and organizations have found it easy to rake up the issue of separate Telangana over and over again. After the 1969-70 Telangana agitation, sporadic attempts were made by certain vested interests or jobless politicians to float organizations ostensibly fighting for the rights of Telangana people and demanding a separate Telangana state.
In recent times, the late P Indra Reddy (who had quit NTR-TDP) had floated his own outfit for Telangana before the 1998 Lok Sabha elections but his party turned out to be a non-starter. In the 1996 and 1998 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP sought to exploit the Telangana sentiment by promising to fight for a separate Telangana state. The saffron party’s slogan was “give one vote for two states” (Telangana and Andhra). In the 1999 Assembly/Lok Sabha elections, the BJP dropped its Telangana plank because of its alliance with TDP, which is opposed to separate Telangana.
In the meantime, after 1999 elections, Telugu Desam sidelined its former minister K Chandrasekhar Rao, who is a one-time confidante of Chandrababu Naidu, and he was offered the post of Deputy Speaker of the State Assembly instead of a cabinet berth. KCR nursed a grievance for ignoring his claims to cabinet berth and he accepted deputy speaker’s post under protest. In April 2001, he floated the Telangana Rashtra Samithi to spearhead the demand for separate Telangana state. BJP leader A Narendra, whose claims to the post of state president of the party were ignored by the central leadership, started Telangana Sadhana Samithi. After the 2001 panchayat polls, both the parties merged and KCR and Narendra assumed the unified party’s leadership. How TRS entered into a poll alliance with Congress for 2004 Assembly/Lok Sabha elections is known to one and all.
Given this scenario, the Muslims have as much stake over the future of Andhra Pradesh as the others like the people of Telangana or the people of Andhra. The government and the ruling party at the Centre and in the State should not take any decision on the future of AP, without ascertaining the views and concerns of the Muslim community in the state. Therefore, we urge the Congress Party, as the main party in the coalition governments both at the Centre and in Andhra Pradesh, to give due weightage to the views of the Muslim community on the Telangana issue.
Neglect of Telangana and its backwardness in various sectors is a fact which no one can deny. At the same time, separate Telangana state cannot be the only solution. There can be other options too. On behalf of the Muslim community, which comprises a population of 70 lakh as per 2001 census in the state, we would like to suggest some short-term measures and long-term options on the issue of Telangana.
First and foremost, there is immediate need for revival of the regional boards for all the three regions—Telangana, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema—to ensure that corrective steps are taken to remove regional imbalances and disparities. (1) A special package for Telangana region – with outlays of Rs 10,000 crore—is needed to accelerate the pace of development in various sectors in this backward region. (2) As the minorities—particularly Muslims—are the most affected lot, a special package for their socio-economic and educational upliftment is also required and (3) G.O. 610 should be immediately implemented.
To decide on the future of Andhra Pradesh with reference to the demand for separate Telangana state, we feel that this issue requires proper and indepth study in the larger perspective. Hence, we demand that a Second States Reorganisation Commission should be constituted to go into all the aspects of the issue, including the demand for separate Telangana state and the future of Hyderabad as a union territory in the event of formation of Telangana state.
Apart from a large concentration of Muslims, the twin cities of Hyderabad-Secunderabad and the adjoining 10 municipalities and the Secunderabad cantonment have a sizeable population of people from the coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions as well as from the neighbouring states and other parts of India. All these sections entertain apprehensions about their future if separate Telangana state is formed with Hyderabad as its state capital. Their concerns need to be looked into.
We eagerly wait for the opportunity to be heard to make known our detailed views on Telangana issue if and when the need arises thanking you ,

MAJLIS ITTEHADUL MUSLIMEEN
MEDIA AND INFORMATION CENTER

Post edited by: zeeshan, at: 2007/01/07 20:47

Telangana Development Forum (TDF-USA)'s Appeal To PM

An Appeal Submitted to Sri Manmohan Singh, Honorable Prime Minister of India in New York on Sept 23 2004

Telangana Development Forum (TDF-USA)
815 Dow Road, Bridgewater, NJ 08807
(www.telangana.org)
TDF-USA is a non-partisan and a non-profit group based in USA dedicated for the development of Telangana.

An Appeal To Sri Manmohan Singh, Honorable Prime Minister of India

To: Sri. Manmohan Singh,
Dear Sir,

We take this opportunity to impress upon you the need and urgency of your action in the form of working toward a separate Telangana State. As you quoted Victor Hugo over a decade ago, “No army can withstand the strength of an idea whose time has come” and the Telangana people’s aspiration is one such.

Telangana has been subjected to oppression and neglect for over five hundred fifty years. First five hundred years, Muslim Kings made the decisions for Telangana, and the last 47 years, Andhras are making decisions for Telangana. The Telangana people were free for only four years (1952 – 1956) to make their own decisions. Freedom to determine one’s own destiny, as you know is the highest of the rewards for a true democracy.

Four and a half decades have passed since the State of Andhra Pradesh was formed. As you are aware, the merger of Telangana with the former Andhra State became possible only because a set of solemn promises were made and constitutional guarantees were given to protect against the possible neglect and exploitation of Telangana. These promises were made not just once, but numerous times and all were broken. Consequently, the exploitation of the region and its people is continued. The people of the region are not only deprived of their legitimate share in the development but are also marginalized in the political process. They have been humiliated on the cultural and linguistic fronts and are virtually reduced to the status of second-class citizens in their own homeland. A prolonged neglect of the region has provided a fertile ground for the emergence and spread of Naxalite violence and also unending farmer suicides.

The development scenario of Telangana is very depressing. There is not even a single sector in which this region has not been ignored. We would, however, like to bring to your notice only a few areas to underscore the gravity of the situation.

EDUCATION

• The literacy rate in Telangana is 37% as against 46% in Coastal Andhra, 45% in Rayalaseema and 72% in the Capital City.
• Enrollment of students at the school level in Telangana is 30% instead of 40%, based on the size of population. Over 75% of the expenditure on government and government-aided colleges is incurred in the other two regions.
• Out of 21 Universities and University level Institutions funded either by the State or the Central Government, 3 are located in Coastal Andhra, 7 in Rayalaseema, 10 in the Capital city and just one in the entire Telangana region.

IRRIGATION

• 69% percent of catchments area of river Krishna and 79% percent of catchments area of river Godavari are in the Telangana, and Telangana region gets less than 15% of the river waters.
• The Coastal Andhra has usurped 80% of assured waters of Krishna allocated to the State by the Bachawat Tribunal. 90% of surplus waters, yet to be allocated, are reserved for the Rayalaseema, denying the Telangana its rightful share.
• The Godavari waters have already been harnessed to irrigate more than 12 lakh acres in Coastal Andhra while the corresponding figure for Telangana is 4 lakh acres. The proposed Polavaram Project on Godavari is to serve the Coastal Andhra region is planned to be six times larger than the proposed Ichampalli Project to serve the backward Telangana region.
• The net area under tank irrigation in the Telangana region had declined by 76% between 1956 and 1998. The Telangana farmers mostly depend on well irrigation. The farmers of Coastal Andhra get cheap canal water subsidized by the State, while the Telangana farmers are forced to pay higher electric pump bills.

AGRICULTURE

• The net cultivated area in the Telangana region has decreased by 22% during the period 1956 and 1998, while it has increased by 4.25% in Coastal Andhra region.
• 40% of the cultivated area in the State is in the Telangana region, and the institutional credit available to the Telangana farmers is far less. They get 18%, 23% and 28% of the total credit provided by the District Cooperative Central Banks (short-term), the A.P. Cooperative Central Bank (long-term) and the Scheduled Commercial Banks.
• Inadequate Institutional credit is forcing the Telangana farmers to fall into the debt trap laid by the private moneylenders, leading to an unprecedented number of suicides during the last five years.

INDUSTRIES

• No major industry worth its name has been setup in any of the districts of the Telangana region as compared to the establishment of several industries in Visakapatnam, Vijayawada, Kakinada, Nellore, Tirupati, and Cuddapah.
• Quite a few major industries established in the Telangana region during the rule of Nizams are being closed one after the other by the successive governments. Important among the closed industries are Azamjahi Mills (Warangal), Sir Silk Factory (Sirpur), Antargaon Spinning Mills (Adilabad), DBR Mills, and Allwyn Factory. Further the famous Nizam Sugar Factory (Nizamabad) is on the verge of closure.

EMPLOYEMENT

• There are about 15 lakh jobs in the government and government-funded offices and establishments. Based on the size of population, 40% of these jobs, i.e. 6 lakhs, should have been filled in by the Telangana job seekers. But the total number of jobs now occupied by them is less than 2 lakhs.
• The State Government issued orders as back as in the year 1984 to remove all the non-locals appointed and to appoint only Telangana locals against the vacancies created. Besides not implementing these orders, further recruitment of non-locals in the Telangana region is going on.

FINANCES

• The contribution of Telangana region to the State’s Exchequer has all along been around 43%. But the expenditure incurred on the development of this region has never been more than 25%.
• The lower per capita income of the Telangana region enabled the State Government to get higher allocation of funds from the successive Finance Commissions. But the benefit of such higher allocation of funds never materialized for the Telangana region.
• More than 80% of loans taken from the World Bank and other International and National agencies are being spent for the development of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. But the burden of repayment of these loans and interest on them is being borne by the people of Telangana to the extent of 40 to 43%.
• A cumulative effect of these and similar factors, over the years, has been the diversion of thousands of crores of rupees meant for the development of Telangana region, for the development of other regions.

The situation in other sectors is equally, if not more, alarming. The Drinking water is a major issue for the Telangana region. The people mostly depend on bore-wells for their drinking water and are inflicted with fluorosis. The fluorides in the drinking water cause permanent disfigurement, brain damage and there is no cure for it.

Telangana is rich with resources. Telangana people are asking: Use Telangana resources for the development of Telangana region for the betterment of Telangana people. We hope that the national government under your stewardship is aware of these facts.

Formation of Telangana State is as explained earlier is the aspiration of the natives. That aside, the principles governing smaller states to bring government closer to people would build up the economy and empower people in the process. Telangana people opposed the formation of Andhra Pradesh state in 1956, they overwhelmingly voted for a separate Telangana state in 1969. In 2004 elections, the people of Andhra Pradesh accepted the concept of two states, voted overwhelmingly for TRS-Congress alliance, and rejected the TDP appeal for united Andhra Pradesh.

TDF-USA congratulates you for taking the step toward initiating a dialogue through President’s address to the Parliament and further clarifying it in your first Press conference the future Telangana state. Telangana people have committed to achieve their statehood through non-violence. The conditions are ripe and there is consensus on ground with out any unnecessary hate or dislike toward each other. The time for Telangana has come and please understands that TDF-USA will continue to work towards the betterment of the region.

Thanking you Sir.
Sincerely yours,
Telangana Development Forum, USA

Telangana Rashtra Samithi

Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) is a regional political party in the southern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. Its main agenda is the separation of the region of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh. Chandrashekhar Rao was a member of the Telugu Desam Party until he quit the party and formed the TRS in 2001. The party won one third of Mandal Parishad Territorial Constituencies (MPTC) and one quarter of Zilla Parishad Territorial Constituencies (ZPTC) in Telangana .^{[citation needed]} In the 2004 assembly elections, the TRS formed an alliance with Congress (I) and won 26 state assembly seats. The party also won 5 parliament seats at the national level. It joined the governments at both state and central level. In September 2006 the party withdrew support for the central government on the grounds of indecision by the government over the delivery of its electoral promise to create Telangana, which was also put in the Common Minimum Program (CMP).

Rao assured the people of Telangana that the formation of the new state is on the cards and it can happen 'any moment'.^{[citation needed]} On 13th September 2006, Rao triggered a by-election in his Lok Sabha constituency of Karimnagar.^[1] He was re-elected with a majority of more than 200,000.^[2]

History of Telangana

Telangana region has been ruled by many great dynasties like Sathavahanas, Chalukyas, Kakatiyas, Mughals, Qutubshahis, and asafjahis. Of which the Kakathiyas impressions on architecture are found more in these days too. Sathavahanas ruled over the Telangana for about 400 years from the 2nd century B.C. to beyond the 2nd century A.D. Sathavahanas were also called Salivahanas and Satakarnis. In the 3rd century B.C., Simukha, the founder of the Sathavahana dynasty, unified the various Andhra principalities into one kingdom and became its ruler (271 B.C. -- 248 B.C.). Satakarni II, the sixth ruler of the dynasty (184 B.C.) was an able ruler who extended his kingdom to the west. He ruled for a period of 56 years. Pulumavi I has brought renewed strength and glory to their kingdom. The only silver lining in this dynasty was the excellent literary work, Gathasaptasati, of Hala, the 17th Satavahana king. Dharmapuri in Karimnagar was the capital city for many years.

Among Kakathiyas, Prataparudra, grandson of Rudramamba was great ruler who succeeded his grandmother in A.D.1295 and ruled till A.D.1323. He pushed the western border of his kingdom up to Raichur. He introduced many administrative reforms. He divided the kingdom into 75 Nayakships, which was later adopted and developed by the Vijayanagara Rayas.

During the reign of Bahamani sultan Mohd Shah III, one sultan Quli Qutub, who was born at Hamadan in Persia, came to Deccan and started his career as a bodyguard of Mohd Shah. With his ability and courage he rose from one position to another till he became the Governor of Telangana, the eastern province of Bahmani kingdom.

When the Bahamani sultanate became weak, Quli Qutub became independent and formed his Qutubshahi Dynasty in 1518. From then, he devoted most of his energies in extending his frontiers of his kingdom. He took possession of part of Berar in the north, Rajkonda, Deverkonda, Gahanpura, Kovilakonda and Panagal thus brought much of Telugu speaking areas in to his possession. He defeated Sitapati of Bhogikala, and captured Bellamkonda, Indrakonda, Khammam, Warangal etc. in 1543 Jamsheed assassinated Quli Qutub.

The Golkonda fort was built by Quliqutub. His son Jamsheed became the King who was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim in 1550 .During his reign, trade and commerce flourished enormously. Telangana, like Egypt, became the Mart of the whole world. Merchants from Turkistan, Arabia and Persia used to frequent Telangana and found their trade attractive and prosperous. In his reign two tanks namely Ibrahim Pantam tank and Hussainsagar were built. He also built a bridge on river Musi, which is known as Puranapul. The Hindus of Telangana remember him for his patronage of Telugu literature. Many Telugu poets like Addanki Gangadher Kavi, Panuganti Telanganarya, Kandukuri Rudra Kavi flourished in his court. He gained goodwill among his Hindu subjects. He died in 1580, and was succeeded by his son Quli Qutub Shah.

Qutubshah shifted his capital from Golkonda to Hyderabad on the river Musi. He built the Jamia mosque at Charminar. He died in 1611. He was succeeded by his nephew Mohd. Qutubshah as he had no sons. Mohd Qutub Shah joined the confederation of Deccani powers against Moughals to stop their advance towards Deccan/South. He was a scholar and composed gazals, tarki, bunds and rubaya. He died in 1662, and was succeeded by his son-in-law Sayyed Ahmed in 1667.

At this time the Moghals annexed Ahmednagar and marched towards Golkonda. Sayyed Ahmed signed the treaty, and accepted the suzerainty of Moghal emperor Shah Jahan and agreed to pay 8 lakhs of rupees as tribute to Moghals.

With the connivance of mirjumla the Moghal Emperor Aurgangzeb sent his son Mohd. Sultan in 1656, who besieged Golkonda and occupied Hyderabad. However on intervention of Darashekou and Jahanara from Delhi, Aurangazeb was compelled to raise the seize on payment of one crore and to surrender Chinnoor. Later Mohd Sultan married the second daughter of Abdullah. Abdullah died in 1672 and his son-in-law Abul Hassan succeeded him. He appointed Madanna as his Prime Minister and his brother Akkanna as commander in chief. In 1687 Auragazeb again attacked Golkonda which successfully resisted -his advance. But due to treachery of Sardar Khan a high officer in the Army who opened the gate of Golkonda fort, captured the fort in 1687 and Abul Hassan was made captive. They looted the city in every street and market place where lakhs worth in cash, property, chinaware and costly carpets of aristocracy was available.

The State of Hyderabad was founded by Mir Qamruddin Chin Qilich Khan. He was the son of Aurangzeb's general . Ghazi-ud-din Khan Feroz Jang, who traced his ancestry to Abu Bakr, the first Khalifa. In 1713, six years after Aurangzeb's death, emperor Farrukhsiyar made Mir Qamruddin Viceroy of the Deccan, with the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk Feroz Jang. Later, emperor Muhammad Shah conferred on him the title of Asaf Jah, by which title the dynasty is still known. By 1724, Mir Qamruddin had made himself virtually independent of Delhi, although he and his successors continued to profess a nominal allegiance to the Moghul emperor right up to 1858, when the British Crown assumed the governance of India.

In 1799 the Nizam aided the East India Company in the war with Tippu Sultan and after the latter’s defeat and death, the British gave a part of his territories to the Nizam.

The death of Nizam All Khan and the succession of his eldest surviving son, Sikander Jah, occured on 7 August 1803.

Sikander Jah died on 21 May 1829, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, nasir-ud-Daula. By the Treaty of 1853, the province of Berar, along with certain districits in the Raichur Doab and on the wertern frontier of Hyderabad, were assigned for this purpose, their administration being taken over by British officers under the control of the Resident at Hyderabad.

By the Treaty of 1860, except for Berar, all the other districts assigned in 1853 were restored.

Mir Mahbub Ali Khan was a minor when he succeeded his father afzal-ud-Daula on 26 February 1869.

The Hyderabad contingent with the exception of the artillery which was disbanded, was delocalized and incorporated in the Indian Army, with provision for the protection of the Nizam's dominion.

Nizam Mir Usman Ali Khan Bahadur is the seventh in the line. He succeeded to the gaddi on 29 August 1911. In 1918 the title of "is Exalted Highness" was conferred on him as a hereditary distinction. Shortly thereafter, by an autograph letter from the King, he was granted the title of 'Faithful Ally of the British Government.'

Geographically, Hyderabad occupies a pivotal position in the heart of the country. In population, revenue and importance it was the premier State in the country. The population was nearly sixteen million and the annual revenue Rs. 26 crores. Its area was over 82,000 square miles. Hyderabad had its own coinage, paper currency and stamps. Hyderabad was treated by the British no differently from other Indian States. The right of intervention in internal affairs was repeatedly asserted and exercised.

In 1985 Reading, then Viceroy, ascertained that the sovereignty of the British Crown was supreme in India. The Viceroy pointed out that it was the right of the British Government to intervene in the internal affairs of Indian States, and that the Nizam did not stand in a category separate from that of rulers of the other Indian states.

In March 1946 the cabinet mission advised the princely states regarding the future of their merger after the formation of independent India, and separate Pakistan for Indian Muslims. This was further clarified in May 1946 referring to the lapse of paramountency and formation of federation. The congress opposed the Independent states outside the Federal Union, but the Muslim league was encouraging the states to remain Independent. Nizam of Hyderabad was under the influence of a fanatical body called Ittehadul Musulmin under Kasim Razvi, declared his intention to remain as independent state.

Soon after the announcement of His Majesty's Government's plan of 3 June 1947, the Nizam issued a firman declaring his intention not to send representatives to the Constituent Assembly of either Pakistan or India, and making it clear that on 15 August he would be entitled to resume the status of an independent sovereign. It had been his ambition to secure Dominion Status for his State, on the withdrawal of the British and treatment then henceforth as a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations. When he saw that clause 7 of the Indian Independence Bill did not permit that grant of Dominion Status to an Indian State. The Nizam sent a delegation to Delhi on 11 July headed by the Nawab of Chhatari, President of the Executive Council, to meet Lord Mountbatten.

Meanwhile Laik Ali was pressing that the Hyderabad issue should be taken to the United Nations Organization. On 17 August, he wrote to Nehru that Hyderabad had decided to solicit the good offices of the United Nations Organization in order that the dispute between Hyderabad and India might be resolved and a peaceful and enduring settlement arrived at.

The Indian Government did not agree that Hyderabad had any right in international law to seek the intervention of the United Nations Organization or any other outside body for the settlement of the issue. And that as the Government of India regarded the Indo-Hyderabad dispute as a purely domestic one, they did not recognize the Nizam's claim to invoke the good offices of the United Nations in that connation.