Monday, September 17, 2007

Telangana Chief Minister Candidates - SRI P JANARDHAN REDDY (PJR)

Here we take a dig @ the prospective Chief Ministerial Candidates for the Telangana State


[210-Khairathabad (Hyderabad Dist.) I.N.C.]
Father's Name : Sri P. Papi Reddy
Category : General
Permanent Address : 1-2-412/10, Gangan Mahal Road,
Hyderabad District.
Date & Place of Birth : 12th January, 1948
Domalguda, Hyderabad.
Educational Qualifications :
Profession : Trade Unionist
Number of terms elected : 5 Terms
to Assembly (1978, 1985, 1989, 1994, 2004)

Public Office held : Supervisor in A.P. Electrical
Equipment Corporation,
Sanathnagar, Hyderabad.
President, Associated Glass
Industries Workers Union.
President, A.P. Electrical Equipment
Corporation Employees Union.
President, A.P. Agro Industries
Employees Union.
President, Krishi Engines

Employees Union.
President, Alluminium Employees
President, A.P. Health and
Medical Employees Union.
President, A.P. Electrical and
Mechanical Employees Union.
President, A.P. State Construction
Corporation Employees Union.
President, Bio-Chemical Employees
President, Radiant Cable Union.
President, Telangana Spinning Mills
Employees Union
President, Nirmal Industries
Employees Union
President, Indo-Swing Employees
Union President, Royal Bakery
Employees Union & other number
of Unions.
Marital Status : Married
Name of the Spouse : Smt.P. Sulochana
Number of Children : Four Daughters
Hobbies : --
Special Interest : In Arts and Science Engineering
Favourite Pastime & : Kabaddi, Football, Swimming
Publications : --
Travels abroad : --

Chinmaya Dhyana Nilayam

Set at Kundanbagh, Begumpet perched on a top of a small hillock, a remarkable, pleasing and captivating construction, of Chinmaya Dhyana Nilayam, a design approved by Pujya Gurudev Himself. Sandeepany Kailash is expected to become a famous land mark in the twin cities of Hyderabad - Secunderabad. The building itself is in the form of Lord Shiva, the formless, absolute reality, which is the nature of pure consciousness.

Inside, a beautifully carved marble Murti of Lord Shiva, Lord of the Universe, the Creator, the Sustainer and Destroyer and whose presense transforms the body into a beautiful and holy thing, has been installed and consecrated on Mahashivaratri Day, the 14th February 1999 by Pujya Swami Tejomayanandaji, amidst the blowing of conch shell and the resounding reverberation of the chanting of OM NAMAH SHIVAYA. The Kumbhabhishekam was performed by thousands of devotees.

Sandeepany Kailsh has come to stay and bless the world around.

Telangana Temples - Chilkur Balaji

The Balaji Temple is located at Chilkur in the Hyderabad district. It is 33 Kms away from Mehedipatnam. Approximately 75,000 to 1,00,000 devotees visit in a week. Generally temple gets heavy rush on Fridays and Sundays.

The temple at Chilkur is managed by the hereditary trustee Sri M.V. Soundara Rajan and Sri C.S. Gopala Krishna. The entire family of the archaka, including the women are dedicated themselves to serve the God.

Twenty Five kilometers from Hyderabad off the Vikarabad road and on the banks of Osmansagar is the picturesque village of Chikur with its hoary temple dedicated to Sri Balaji Venkateshwara. From the style, structure and appearance, it can be inferred that the temple was built half a millennium ago. Set in sylvan surroundings, the temple attracts thousands of pilgrims every year and is an ideal place for sequestered retreat and meditation. It enjoyed in the past, great days of pomp and glory.

The temple is one of the oldest in Telengana, having been built during the time of Akkanna and Madanna, the uncles of Bhakta Ramdas. According to tradition, a devotee who used to visit Tirupati every year could not do so on one occasion owing to serious ill-health. Lord Venkateshwara appeared in his dream and said, "I am right here in the jungle nearby. You don't have to worry." The devotee at once moved to the place indicated by the Lord in the dream and saw a mole- hill there, which he dug up. Accidentally, the axe struck Lord Balaji's idol covered by the mole-hill below the chin and on the chest, and surprisingly blood started flowing profusely from the "wounds", flooding the ground and turning it scarlet. The devotee could not believe his eyes when he saw this. Suddenly he could not believe his ears also when he heard a voice from the air which said,"Flood the mole-hill with cow's milk. "When the devotee did so, a Swayambhu idol of Lord Balaji accompanied by Sridevi and Bhoodevi(a rare combination) was found, and this idol was installed with the due rites and a temple built for it.

Sri Balaji venkateshwara, the Pratyaksha Daiva in kaliyuga, is thus available at Chilkur to shower blessings on His devotees who for any reason are unable to go to Tirupati. Many devout worshippers flock to the temple, to receive the blessings of the Lord and his consorts throughout the year particularly during the Poolangi, Annakota and Brahmothsavams

With the earnest desire to revive the former glory and importance of the temple, the idol of Ammavaru was installed in 1963 the year following the Chinese aggression, and when the aggression was unilaterally vacated, Ammavaru was given the name of Rajya Lakshmi, signifying this welcome event. The unique feature of this idol is that lotus flowers are held in three hands and the fourth hand is in such a position towards the lotus feet which signifies the doctrine of Saranagathi.

The temple has been visited by great Acharyas from time to time. A visit to the temple is a must for the Jeer of Sri Ahobila Mutt every time he visits the twin cities, and in the temple is installed the idol of the first Jeer. The Tilakayaths of Sri Vallabhacharya Sampradaya have been regularly visiting the shrine. Jagadguru Sri Sankaracharya of Sringeri Mutt and his disciple graced the efforts of the trustees in improving the temple.

Try also: How to Go To ChilkurSri Venkateswara Temple Tirupati from HyderabadHyderabad to Bhadrachalam Sri Rama TempleHyderabad to Kanipakam Varasidhi Vinayaga TempleHyderabad to Aragonda Hanuman Temple (Arthagiri Hanuman Temple)Sai Temple @ MiyapurHemadurga Temple @ MiyapurDurga Temple @ Alwynn Colony MiyapurTelangana Temples - Basar Saraswathi - NirmalTelangana Temples - Peddamma Talli TempleTelangana Temples - SRI UJJAINI MAHAKALI Temple
Sai Temple - Annadanam - Kondapur

Telangana Temples - Basar Saraswathi - Nirmal

Temple of Basar, the abode of Goddess of Learning, Goddess Saraswathi.

Basar is well connected by rail and road. One can go by train, The Secunderabad –Manmad Express that stops at Basar.And all state transport buses from Hyderabad.

The temple authority provides the Devasthanam Choultry for the devotees and visitors for their stay. There are many guesthouses, restaurants and hotels available on reasonable tariffs.
The temple of Goddess Saraswathi at Basar is one among the two temples of this Goddess. The other is in Kashmir.

Basar is a village situated on the banks of river Godavari; the serene and pious nature attracts the kith and kin. Built at the confluence of the rivers Mangira and Godavari this temple is adorned by the goddess of knowledge and wisdom The Goddess Saraswathi.

Try also: How to Go To ChilkurSri Venkateswara Temple Tirupati from HyderabadHyderabad to Bhadrachalam Sri Rama TempleHyderabad to Kanipakam Varasidhi Vinayaga TempleHyderabad to Aragonda Hanuman Temple (Arthagiri Hanuman Temple)Sai Temple @ MiyapurHemadurga Temple @ MiyapurDurga Temple @ Alwynn Colony MiyapurTelangana Temples - Basar Saraswathi - NirmalTelangana Temples - Peddamma Talli TempleTelangana Temples - SRI UJJAINI MAHAKALI Temple
Sai Temple - Annadanam - Kondapur

Telangana Temples - Peddamma Talli Temple

Peddamma Gudi - Is in the Posh Area of Jubilee Hills Hyderabad

The devotees pray to “Amman” as their own mother and believe that she is the saviour. Unlike the utsavams i.e., Bonalu once a year, here is this temple the Bonalu utsavams performed every Sunday

Try also: How to Go To ChilkurSri Venkateswara Temple Tirupati from HyderabadHyderabad to Bhadrachalam Sri Rama TempleHyderabad to Kanipakam Varasidhi Vinayaga TempleHyderabad to Aragonda Hanuman Temple (Arthagiri Hanuman Temple)Sai Temple @ MiyapurHemadurga Temple @ MiyapurDurga Temple @ Alwynn Colony MiyapurTelangana Temples - Basar Saraswathi - NirmalTelangana Temples - Peddamma Talli TempleTelangana Temples - SRI UJJAINI MAHAKALI Temple
Sai Temple - Annadanam - Kondapur

Telangana Temples - SRI UJJAINI MAHAKALI Temple

“Sri Ujjaini Mahakali” temple in Telangana region at Secunderabad which is 191 years old. It is visited and prayers offered to the goddess by unending large number of devotees everyday in general and in particularly thousands of devotees in Ashada jathara on principal days which falls on Sunday and Monday. There is no doubt about granting the wishes of devotees by the goddess and devotees fulfilling the vows.


The goddess Ujjain Mahakali sits in a Padmasana posture with four hands with sword, spear, damaru, vessel of amrut, is a beautiful stone idol. It is said by some people that this idol was brought from Ujjain. This idol is covered and fixed with vendi kavacham(silver shield). By the side of Sri Ujjain Mahakali is the goddess of “Manikyaladevi”.

Pujas: As per the Vedas daily pujas are conducted. On Friday special decorated archanas are being performed.Celebration of Navarathris are performed in the month of Ashwayujam with beautiful floral decorations for the goddess. Saptasathi homamas are performed. Thousands of devotees men, women and children will have the darshan of goddess and get blessed.

There are several oldest temples in Andhra Pradesh in which exist famous goddess temples like “Kanakadurga“ at Vijayawada , ”Bhadrakali” at Warrangal etc.“ Sri Ujjaini Mahankali” temple in Telangana region at Secunderabad is 191 years old which is visited and prayers offered to the goddess by unending large number of devotees everyday in general and in particularly thousands of devotees in Ashada jathara on principal days which falls on Sunday and Monday. There is no doubt about granting the wishes of devotees by the goddess and devotees fulfilling the vows.

There are no historical records about the existence of this temple. This temple is a symbol of devotion of Shri Suriti Appaiah garu resident of secunderabad as Shri Rama temple at Bhadrachalam is symbol of devotee Bhakta Ramdas of those days.

Shri Suriti Appaiah garu was working in the military in the year 1813.A.D. Shri Suriti Appaiah along with others(Army bearers) was sent to Ujjain as mason. Everyday Shri Appaiah garu visited Mahankali goddess temple and prayed her with utmost devotion during the entire period of his stay at Ujjain.

Shri Appaiah garu became an ardent devotee of the powerful goddess at Ujjain.On one day he has prostrated at her feet and offered prayers expressing gratitude for success of their mission to Ujjain and for showing the way for return journey, also prayed in many respects and expressed his wish that her idol will be installed at Secunderabad for offering prayers for ever. All of them returned to Secunderabad from Ujjain after the goddess felt happy and blessed Shri Appaiah garu for his selfless devotion. She also bestowed kindness on him.

In the month of July 1815, Shri Appaiah garu installed a idol made of wood at the place where the present temple is existing and conducting pujas. He built the walls around the idol and constructed a small temple named “Ujjain Mahankali” temple.

It is said that in those olden days this place was inhabited by trees, insects, rocks and lakes. There was a big well and when repairs were being carried out by digging an idol named “Manikyalamma” was found. The same idol can be seen today in the sanctorum of the temple towards Ujjaini Mahankali’s right side. In the year 1864 A.D Shri Appaiah garu replaced wooden idol and installed the two idols of “Mahankali” and “Mnikyalamma” as per the Hindu sastras and relevant pujas. Later, Shri Sanjivaiah the son of Shri Surirti Appaiah garu collected some amount in his village along with his friends got constructed the mandapam in the year 1900 A.D. Shri Laxmaiah (mesthri and representing of army bearer) son of Shri Sanjivaiah collected some amount and constructed few shops along side the temple entrance as a source of income. In the year 1914 A.D Shri Kistaiah son of Shri Laxmaiah formed a committee to conduct daily pujas and archanas by appointing a brahman(Shri Ogirala Subbaiah garu). Sons of Shri Kistaiah and Chikoti Chandraiah garu, prominent vysyas and their family members continued their efforts for the development of Shri Ujjaini Mahankali temple. In the year 1947 A.D the endowment department of the then state government constituted a committee and arranged a Brahman, Shri Yendapalli Venkataramaiah for the purpose of conducting rituals to the goddess.

In the year 1953 A.D endowment department of the then state government arranged board of trustees though the first founder was Shri Appaiah garu, there is a saying that family members of the army bearers also involved in the establishment of the Ujjaini Mahankali temple. The chairman, president, committee members honorary secretary etc are making necessary efforts to develop the temple further.

Try also: How to Go To ChilkurSri Venkateswara Temple Tirupati from HyderabadHyderabad to Bhadrachalam Sri Rama TempleHyderabad to Kanipakam Varasidhi Vinayaga TempleHyderabad to Aragonda Hanuman Temple (Arthagiri Hanuman Temple)Sai Temple @ MiyapurHemadurga Temple @ MiyapurDurga Temple @ Alwynn Colony MiyapurTelangana Temples - Basar Saraswathi - NirmalTelangana Temples - Peddamma Talli TempleTelangana Temples - SRI UJJAINI MAHAKALI Temple
Sai Temple - Annadanam - Kondapur

Telangana Festivals - Bathukamma festival

  • Bathukamma is a Telangana-specific festival coinciding with Dasara
  • Conical arrangement of colourful, native flowers shapes the Bathukamma
  • Bathukamma is immersed in water at the end of the day

  • Bathukamma is known as the festival of flowers, bathukamma culminates on the ninth day of dasara with the immersion of bathukammas in tanks

    Bathukamma Panduga has a deep association with water and changes in these have meant change in the basic nature of the festival.

    Telangana Food -Restaurants

    A Multi-Cuisine Restaurant
    #PlotNo.85, Banjara Hills, Road No.3, Hyderabad .

    Telangana Food - Royallu Munaga Kaaya Kura

    Drumstick Shrimp Curry - Royallu Munaga Kaaya Kura

    2 drumsticks
    500 gms of shrimps or prawns
    2 big onions finely chopped
    1 tsp ginger garlic paste
    4 green chillis slit length wise
    1 tsp red chilli pwd
    1 tsp coriander pwd
    1/2 tsp cumin pwd
    1/4 tsp turmeric pwd
    garam masala
    2 tomatoes finely chopped
    1 tbsp coconut paste
    1 tbsp chopped fresh coriander for garnish

    Heat 3 tbsp oil in a vessel and add the chopped onions and green chillis and fry till transparent.Add the ginger garlic paste and fry till oil seperates. Add all the powders and mix well.Add the tomatoes and stir fried drumstick pieces and cook further for another 3-4 minutes. Add the prawns and stir well till its well coated with the masala.Let it cook for 2 minutes and then add the coconut paste and salt and add 1 cup of water. Cook covered for 5 minutes till you get the desired curry consistency.Turn off heat. Garnish with chopped coriander leaves and serve hot with steamed rice or rotis.

    Contact (

    Telangana Food - Kodi Koora

    Kodi Koora


    1/2 kg chicken ,cleaned and cut into medium sized pieces
    1 tbsp ginger garlic paste
    1 cup button onions/sambar onions(peeled)
    whole spices (3 elachi,2?dalchini,6 cloves,one star aniseed)
    2 cups of water
    chopped coriander leaves for garnish
    For paste:
    1 tbsp coriander seeds
    5-6 dry red chillis
    1 tsp saunf (fennel seeds)
    2 elachi (green cardamom)
    4 lavanga (cloves)
    2? dalchini (cinnamon)

    Grind the button onions coarsely.Remove and keep aside. Dry roast dry red chillis,coriander seeds,elachi,dalchini,cloves,saunf and make a paste adding some water. Heat 3 tbsps of oil in a skillet and add whole spices.Now add the coarsely ground onions and fry till brown. Add ginger garlic paste and chicken and fry for 3-4 minutes. Now add the ground paste and salt and mix well. Cover and cook till oil seperates. Now add 2 cups of water and cook till done. Garnish with chopped coriander leaves. Serve with rice or rotis Grind the button onions coarsely.Remove and keep aside. Dry roast dry red chillis,coriander seeds,elachi,dalchini,cloves,saunf and make a paste adding some water. Heat 3 tbsps of oil in a skillet and add whole spices.Now add the coarsely ground onions and fry till brown. Add ginger garlic paste and chicken and fry for 3-4 minutes. Now add the ground paste and salt and mix well. Cover and cook till oil seperates. Now add 2 cups of water and cook till done.
    Garnish with chopped coriander leaves. Serve with rice or rotis


    Telangana Food - Koodi Gudla Pulusu


    6 boiled eggs
    2 onions chopped finely
    3-4 green chillis slit length-wise
    1 tsp red chilli powder
    big pinch of turmeric pwd
    3/4 tsp coriander pwd
    1/4 tsp cumin pwd
    1 tomato chopped (optional)
    2-3 tbsp of tamarind paste (this can vary according to your choice)
    1/2 tsp sugar
    2 cups water
    chopped coriander leaves for garnish
    2 tbsp oil
    make slits along the length of each egg and lightly fry them in 1 tbsp oil with a pinch of turmeric for approx 1-2 mts For tempering:1/4 tsp mustard seeds,big pinch of methi seeds(fenugreek seeds),3 flakes crushed garlic and few curry leaves Heat oil in a vessel and mustard seeds and let them splutter.Now add methi seeds, curry leaves and fry for few seconds till methi turns brown.Add garlic and let it fry for 5 seconds.Dont brown the garlic…lightly fry it. Add chopped onions and green chillies and fry till they turn light brown. Now add chilli pwd,turmeric pwd,coriander pwd and cumin pwd,mix well and saute for few seconds. Add chopped tomatoes and fry for 4-5 mts. Add tamarind extract and 2 cups of water and bring to a boil.Add salt and sugar and reduce heat and let it simmer for 2-3 mts.Add the boiled and fried eggs and let it cook in the gravy for 10 minutes or till you get the required gravy consistency. Garnish with chopped coriander leaves.
    Serve this hot steamed rice or rotis.

    Telangana Food - Chaapala Pulusu

    Chaapala Pulusu


    1 lb fish pieces
    1 tsp chili powder
    1 tsp turmeric
    2 tsp methi powder
    2 onions, chopped
    5 green chilies
    2 tsp ginger-garlic paste
    1/2 cup tamarind water
    5 tbsp oil
    1 small bunch Methi leaves
    Small bunch Spring onion leaves
    2 tomatoes, chopped
    Salt to taste milk)
    Clean the fish pieces in salt water (to avoid smell) Mix fish pieces with salt, chili powder, turmeric, methi powder, tamarind water and keep aside for 15-20 minutes. Heat oil in a pan, add green chilies, onions, ginger-garlic paste, methi leaves, spring onion leaves and fry them for a little while. Then add tomatoes and cook until they become mushy After then, add fish pieces along with the gravy. Avoid stiring continuously because the pieces may break into tiny ones. Cook until the gravy thickens

    Sunday, September 16, 2007

    Welcome to Telangana Times :: We wish to have development of Telangana region on par with other parts of the state

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    Telugu or Telangana

    Pachchipulusu khayenge, Telangana leyengey! (We will survive on tamarind soup, but secure a separate Telangana.)

    Retrieved from :

    I have mouthed that slogan too. In 1970. On the streets of Himayatnagar and Narayanaguda in the heart of strife-torn Hyderabad. I was a true-blue “mulki”, son-of-the-soil, though my ancestors came from the other side of the Godavari to make the Deccan their home. The slogan drew attention to the fact that while coastal Andhra may have been the rice bowl of the state and Teangana was condemned to dryland farming, the backward region’s politically short-changed Telugus were willing to subsist on tamarind soup, the pride of dakhni cuisine, and secure their self-respect.

    It all seems so long ago. Three decades later, the slogans are less evocative and life goes on in a busy Hyderabad unmindful of the revived sentiment in some of the surrounding districts. But the issue is back on the state’s political agenda. The demand for a separate state of Telangana lies at the heart of the ongoing election campaign in Andhra Pradesh. The response of the people across the state to this regional sentiment will determine the political future of one of India’s rising political leaders, Andhra Pradesh’s chief minister, Nara Chandrababu Naidu.

    Does language still unite the people of India’s first linguistic state or has dialect come to divide them once again? It is easy to jump to the conclusion that economic backwardness continues to lie at the core of the sentiment for a separate state. This is not entirely correct. There is no doubt that many parts of Telangana remain economically backward, largely on account of low literacy and lack of access to water. However, prosperity has come to large parts of the region and the growth of Hyderabad is trickling along the Bangalore, Mumbai and Vijayawada roads for miles on an end. But till the waters of the Krishna, the Godavari and the Tungabhadra are harnessed for the region, the farmer’s grievance will remain. A common language doesn’t soothe dry tongues and thirsty throats.

    The demand for a separate state is not constructed on the farmer’s grievance alone. As in 1969-70, so in 2003-04, the authors of the demand come more from the educated middle classes in the towns of Warangal and Karimnagar who see in a new state new opportunities and more political power. They build their political nest with the leaves of cultural grievance and the roots of economic backwardness.

    Anyone familiar with the recent genre of Telugu cinema will understand the nature of the cultural grievance. The “hero” and “heroine” in Telugu cinema speak a Telugu closer to the dialect of the coastal region, while Telangana Telugu, with its mixture of dakhni, is reserved for the movie’s comedian or villain. The comedian and the villain now want to be the hero in this part of Telugu Desam!

    Telangana is not like Jharkhand or Chhattisgarh, nor even like Haryana. Apart from the language it shares with the rest of Andhra Pradesh, it is today more integrated economically into the state as a whole. Hyderabad is a truly pan-Telugu metropolis that has come to accept the mix of Telangana’s dakhni culture and the coastal region’s Andhra culture. Economically, the business development of the greater Hyderabad region has made the city integral to the state. But Hyderabad is no Chandigarh for it lies in the heart of Telangana. In this lies the administrative difficulty of bifurcating the state. Indeed, of trifurcating it.

    For, if Telangana comes, can dry and drought-prone Rayalaseema stay far behind in voicing its thirst? Moreover, a land-locked Telangana cannot take off in the manner Haryana did, with the latter’s access to New Delhi, and will be dependent on “outside” investors for a long time for its prosperity.

    The economic case for Telangana is weak. The political case is weaker still. In a peninsular neighbourhood where Tamil, Malayalam, Kannada and Marathi have their own states, will the Telugus benefit from division? When N.T. Rama Rao launched his Telugu Desam Party, he consciously sought to rekindle the pride in the language that united the Telugus. It is a platform that Naidu today occupies. Caught between the pan-Teluguism of the TDP and the regional chauvinism of the Telangana separatists, the Congress and the BJP have fudged the issue.

    The Congress remains a divided house on Telangana, as indeed it has been on Vidarbha. The BJP was united in favour of Telangana because the region’s anti-Nizam struggles of the past favoured its Hindutva plank. Hyderabad’s Marwari business community also encouraged this thinking, having yielded market space to coastal Andhra’s business castes. Today, even the BJP is ambivalent, caught between the aspirations of its communal old guard and its business savvy new recruits who favour a united state.

    For this very reason the region’s Muslim community had opposed the demand for a separate Telangana in 1969, feeling more confident about the secular credentials of coastal Andhra’s upper castes. Even now they prefer Naidu’s secularism, but the new found prosperity of Hyderabad’s Muslims may encourage them to rethink their political relevance in a smaller state.

    Clearly Naidu is guilty of an error of judgement in dealing with the Telangana demand. Even at this stage he can retrieve lost ground by recognising the social and economic basis of the sense of discrimination the region nurses and revive the idea of a Regional Development Committee, with a development budget. He must share power with panchayati raj institutions at the district level and develop the region’s irrigation potential.

    There are today many like me who once supported the demand for a separate Telangana but no longer see sense in it. Andhra Pradesh has struggled for too long to leap out of the category of states below the “national average” to those above. It has waited at the threshold for four long decades and is now poised to make that leap. It can if it stays united. Time for the Telugus to stand up and be counted!

    Majlis ittehadul Muslimeen on Telangana Issue

    Majlis ittehadul Muslimeen on Telangana Issue - 2006/11/14 19:25 Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen Reprsentation on Telangana Issue in New delhi to the SRC Commission Explanatory Note on Telangana


    At the outset, we would like to recount the historical perspective to the issue in a nutshell. In the British-ruled India, the erstwhile Hyderabad state (otherwise known as Nizam’s Dominions) was the largest and richest princely state in the country. When India became independent on August 15, 1947, Hyderabad state did not join the Indian Union as the seventh Nizam of Hyderabad Mir Osman Ali Khan wanted to remain “independent.” Following the Police Action (an euphemism for an offensive against Nizam state by the Indian Army that lasted a few days) in September 1948, the Nizam surrendered and signed the Instrument of Accession of Hyderabad into the Indian Union.
    In the wake of the Police Action, certain communal elements of the majority community took advantage of the situation and perpetrated untold atrocities on Muslims in several outlying districts in Marathwada and Hyderabad-Karnatak region of erstwhile Hyderabad state. As a result, several thousand Muslim men were killed by hoodlums, their women raped or forced to commit suicide by jumping into wells to save their honour, Muslim properties were burnt and their agricultural lands were grabbed, resulting in large-scale migration from the rural area and towns in the affected districts to Hyderabad.
    The integration of Hyderabad into Indian Union should have brought happiness and enthusiasm to one and all but due to certain aberrations, the Police Action induced nightmarish memories for the Muslims. However, no one can suspect the loyalties of Muslims to their motherland—India—and it is but natural that the Muslims in Hyderabad state, despite their sufferings and humiliation, became part and parcel of this great country and democracy.
    After the Police Action, Hyderabad remained under military rule for a couple of years under General J N Chaudhary. In June 1950, a civilian government was formed with M K Vellodi as chief minister. In 1952, general elections were held and a popular Congress government under the chief ministership of Burugula Ramakrishna Rao was formed. The Communists took part in the general elections under the banner of People’s Democratic Front and bagged 39 seats versus 96 won by the Congress.
    Here, it may be recalled that the Communists, who had launched the Telangana armed struggle against the feudal rule of the Nizam and the “Deshmukhs” in the erstwhile Hyderabad state in 1946, continued their armed insurgency against the Indian Union even after the merger of Hyderabad state into the Indian Union in 1948. In fact, they continued the armed struggle against the democratic Indian state till 1951 when they were persuaded by India’s first Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to join the mainstream.
    So, as if to live down their controversial role of continuing the armed insurrection even after the accession of Hyderabad state into Indian Union, the Communists intensified their movement for “Visalandhra” (greater Andhra state) after the formation of separate Andhra state on October 1, 1953 with the carving out of the new state from the erstwhile composite Madras state. The comrades wanted the Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad state to be merged with Andhra state to form a greater Telugu state.
    Subsequently, the Union government appointed the first States Reorganisation Commission, comprising Fazal Ali, K M Panikkar and H N Kunzru. Going into the demand for Visalandhra, the Fazal Ali Commission studied the pros and cons of (i) forming a full-fledged Telugu state (Visalandhra) by merging the Telugu-speaking areas of Hyderabad state with the Andhra state and (ii) forming a separate Telangana state comprising nine Telangana districts plus Bidar (in Hyderabad-Karnataka region).
    In this backdrop, the Congress leaders from Andhra state and the Communist lobby exerted pressure on the powers-that-be to experiment with the formation of linguistic states and hence, Andhra Pradesh was formed in November 1956 as the first linguistic state with the merger of Andhra state and Telugu-speaking areas of Telangana. This meant trifurcation of the erstwhile Hyderabad state, with Telugu-speaking areas coming to Andhra Pradesh, Kannada-speaking tracts (Hyderabad-Karnataka region) merging with the then Mysore state and the Marathi-speaking region (Marathwada) being tagged onto the then Bombay state.
    If the Police Action had impacted on the Muslims of erstwhile Hyderabad state by transforming them from the ruling class to the ruled overnight, the trifurcation of Hyderabad state and tagging on three distinct regions to three different states dealt another big blow to the Muslims. It was a three-way partition with some Muslim families coming under AP, some under Bombay state and some others under Mysore state. This brought about an acute sense of insecurity among the Muslim community, which found itself, divided into three political and geographical entities.
    With the formation of AP, Hyderabad became the capital of the new state. Muslims heaved a sigh of relief when they were assured that their interests would be fully protected in the new state. The Gentlemen’s agreement signed in 1956 by Andhra and Telangana leaders before AP came into being, inter alia, provided for the continuance of domicile rules (Hyderabad Mulki Rules which stipulated 12 years’ stay in Telangana area to become a Mulki or a local) for recruitment to subordinate services. The Gentlemen’s Agreement, among other things, provided for earmarking 40 percent of the cabinet posts for Telangana, with atleast one Muslim from Telangana being represented in the cabinet.
    The non-communal (secular) attitude of the people and leaders from Andhra region (which includes Rayalaseema) in contrast to the partisan and communally-biased attitude of leaders and people from Telangana region rekindled hopes among the Muslims in Hyderabad and other parts of Telangana. However, their dreams of getting their due share of the socio-economic and political pie in the integrated AP were belied when they realized that the creation of the new state merely opened the flood-gates for the exploitation of the people of this backward region by their resourceful counterparts from Andhra region.
    Saga of gross injustice and neglect:
    In the last five decades since the formation of Andhra Pradesh, a strong feeling has taken roots among the people of this region, including the minorities, that gross injustice has been done to them and their region despite the assurances trotted out by the successive regimes to fully abide by the Gentlemen’s Agreement, Mulki Rules, Six-Point Formula and the Presidential Order on Public Employment etc. In fact, the successive governments have tended to aggravate the situation by actively pursuing policies and actions in clear violation of the provisions of all these agreements and orders.
    The state has witnessed two violent agitations—(i) in Telangana region during 1969-71 and (ii) in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema region in 1972-73—which claimed scores of innocent lives and led to untold repression on the people by the then governments. Telangana Praja Samithi swept Lok Sabha polls in Telangana in 1971, bagging 10 seats out of 14 in the region. TPS contested the polls on the plank of separate Telangana state. Subsequently, Congress leaders in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, seeking separate Andhra state, spearheaded the Jai Andhra movement in 1972.
    During both these violent agitations, the Muslims in general and the All India Majlis-e-Ittehaadul Muslimeen in particular adopted a clear-cut stand against bifurcation of the state. The Muslims stood for an integrated Andhra Pradesh, much before the votaries of separate Telangana merged Telangana Praja Samithi back into the Congress and the Jai Andhra protagonists had no qualms in rejoining the Congress. It was the Muslims’ stand that was vindicated by the developments that followed both these separatist agitations.
    As you are aware, a political settlement was hammered out in the wake of these separatist agitations. The Six Point Formula was evolved by the AP leaders in consultation with the Central leaders and formally announced on 21-09-1973 with the avowed objective of removing the misgivings then prevailing about the future of the (integrated) state. Necessary amendments were made to the Constitution by the Union Government through insertion of Article 371-D which, inter alia, authorized the President of India to make special provisions with respect to AP for equitable opportunities and facilities for the people belonging to different parts of the state in the matter of public employment and education.
    Consequent to the Constitutional Amendment, the Presidential Order -- AP Public Employment (Organisation of Local Cadres and Regulation of Direct Recruitment) Order-- was issued on 20-10-1975. It was incorporated by the Government of AP in General Administration (SPF) Department Go Ms No 674 dated 20-10-1975. To facilitate the implementation of the Presidential Order on public employment, detailed instructions were issued in GO P No.728 (GA, SPF-A Department) dated 1-11-1975. GO Ms No 741 was issued on 7-11-1975 to regulate promotions etc.
    However, a severe blow was dealt to the government employees—mostly Muslims hailing from Telangana-- during the tenure of the then Chief Minister Jalagam Vengala Rao (who incidentally hailed from Khammam district in Telangana) when he ordered the compulsory retirement of as many as 11,000 employees, taking advantage of the national emergency imposed by the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi in June 1975.
    In pursuit of Six-Point Formula, regional boards were created for the three regions—Telangana, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. But another severe blow was administered to the government employees when, soon after Telugu Desam Party came to power following the 1983 Assembly elections, the then Chief Minister N.T. Rama Rao reduced the retirement age from 58 years to 55 years. Almost 58,000 employees were affected by this draconian and ill-conceived decision. Most of the employees who were retired en masse consequent to reduction in retirement age were from Telangana region and they included several thousand Muslim employees.
    The NTR regime had also abolished the Regional Development Boards for the three regions without rhyme or reason in 1983. in 1989, the Congress government headed by Dr M Channa Reddy had promised to revive the Regional Boards but nothing happened. The Telugu Desam government, during N Chandrababu Naidu’s nine-year rule, had no inclination at all to revive these Boards. All the same, the absence of the regional boards only contributed to the perpetuation of regional inequalities and exacerbation of regional grievances.
    Muslims have suffered in more ways than one. Bharatiya Jana Sangh in the 1960s/70s and its successor Bharatiya Janata Party in the 1980s/90s made efforts to develop their base in Telangana, exploiting the latent communal tendencies of the people of this backward region. Thus, the city of Hyderabad and several other towns in Telangana witnessed communal riots on a small scale in the late 1960s and 1970s. The BJP’s attempts to create and consolidate its votebanks led to recurrent communal violence in the 1980s and 1990s. BJP gained in strength since 1980s due to its alliance with Telugu Desam Party (between 1984-89 during NTR’s days and between 1998-2004 during Chandrababu’s tenure as Chief Minister).
    Till the early 1980s, the Muslims felt at home because their cultural and linguistic identity was being protected. But with the advent of Telugu Desam Party, a sort of cultural and linguistic invasion of Hyderabad and Telangana began with NTR’s focus on Telugu language and culture. The socio-economic deprivation of the Muslims, which began in the early 1950s, got accentuated since the 1980s with systematic exploitation of Telangana and acquisition of lands and properties here by the Andhra settlers on the one hand and pursuit of reforms by the Chandrababu Naidu regime during 1995-2004 on the other.
    During the last one decade, though there has been no recurrent communal violence in Hyderabad or elsewhere in the state, the previous Telugu Desam Party government resorted to a systematic campaign to harass the Muslim community at the behest of their ally—the BJP—by implicating several youth in alleged terrorist activities and by allowing the Gujarat police to pick up a number of Muslim youth from Hyderabad for alleged offences in Ahmedabad. The end-result was that the Muslims got totally alienated from TDP and voted en-masse for the Congress and its allies in the 2004 Assembly/Parliament elections.
    In this backdrop, the Muslim community in AP in general and Telangana in particular has suffered neglect and indifference as well as partisan and biased attitude and action of the previous Telugu Desam government. The community has not only faced cultural and linguistic domination but its socio-economic conditions deteriorated. Over the years, there has also been political marginalisation of the Muslims, with their representation going down in the local bodies (municipal and panchayat raj bodies) as well as in the AP Legislative Assembly and the Parliament.
    Despite the growth in the number of minority professional colleges and institutions, educational backwardness persists among the Muslims. Their literacy rate continues to be lower than the state’s average. The proportion of Muslims among the below the poverty line (BPL) population is higher than the general population. Local job opportunities are restricted for the Muslims since there is no fresh recruitment to public services (except in police, education and health departments).
    Due to the sense of neglect and injustice perceived by the people of Telangana over the last five decades, political leaders and organizations have found it easy to rake up the issue of separate Telangana over and over again. After the 1969-70 Telangana agitation, sporadic attempts were made by certain vested interests or jobless politicians to float organizations ostensibly fighting for the rights of Telangana people and demanding a separate Telangana state.
    In recent times, the late P Indra Reddy (who had quit NTR-TDP) had floated his own outfit for Telangana before the 1998 Lok Sabha elections but his party turned out to be a non-starter. In the 1996 and 1998 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP sought to exploit the Telangana sentiment by promising to fight for a separate Telangana state. The saffron party’s slogan was “give one vote for two states” (Telangana and Andhra). In the 1999 Assembly/Lok Sabha elections, the BJP dropped its Telangana plank because of its alliance with TDP, which is opposed to separate Telangana.
    In the meantime, after 1999 elections, Telugu Desam sidelined its former minister K Chandrasekhar Rao, who is a one-time confidante of Chandrababu Naidu, and he was offered the post of Deputy Speaker of the State Assembly instead of a cabinet berth. KCR nursed a grievance for ignoring his claims to cabinet berth and he accepted deputy speaker’s post under protest. In April 2001, he floated the Telangana Rashtra Samithi to spearhead the demand for separate Telangana state. BJP leader A Narendra, whose claims to the post of state president of the party were ignored by the central leadership, started Telangana Sadhana Samithi. After the 2001 panchayat polls, both the parties merged and KCR and Narendra assumed the unified party’s leadership. How TRS entered into a poll alliance with Congress for 2004 Assembly/Lok Sabha elections is known to one and all.
    Given this scenario, the Muslims have as much stake over the future of Andhra Pradesh as the others like the people of Telangana or the people of Andhra. The government and the ruling party at the Centre and in the State should not take any decision on the future of AP, without ascertaining the views and concerns of the Muslim community in the state. Therefore, we urge the Congress Party, as the main party in the coalition governments both at the Centre and in Andhra Pradesh, to give due weightage to the views of the Muslim community on the Telangana issue.
    Neglect of Telangana and its backwardness in various sectors is a fact which no one can deny. At the same time, separate Telangana state cannot be the only solution. There can be other options too. On behalf of the Muslim community, which comprises a population of 70 lakh as per 2001 census in the state, we would like to suggest some short-term measures and long-term options on the issue of Telangana.
    First and foremost, there is immediate need for revival of the regional boards for all the three regions—Telangana, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema—to ensure that corrective steps are taken to remove regional imbalances and disparities. (1) A special package for Telangana region – with outlays of Rs 10,000 crore—is needed to accelerate the pace of development in various sectors in this backward region. (2) As the minorities—particularly Muslims—are the most affected lot, a special package for their socio-economic and educational upliftment is also required and (3) G.O. 610 should be immediately implemented.
    To decide on the future of Andhra Pradesh with reference to the demand for separate Telangana state, we feel that this issue requires proper and indepth study in the larger perspective. Hence, we demand that a Second States Reorganisation Commission should be constituted to go into all the aspects of the issue, including the demand for separate Telangana state and the future of Hyderabad as a union territory in the event of formation of Telangana state.
    Apart from a large concentration of Muslims, the twin cities of Hyderabad-Secunderabad and the adjoining 10 municipalities and the Secunderabad cantonment have a sizeable population of people from the coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions as well as from the neighbouring states and other parts of India. All these sections entertain apprehensions about their future if separate Telangana state is formed with Hyderabad as its state capital. Their concerns need to be looked into.
    We eagerly wait for the opportunity to be heard to make known our detailed views on Telangana issue if and when the need arises thanking you ,



    Post edited by: zeeshan, at: 2007/01/07 20:47

    Telangana Today: Status paper

    Telangana Today: Status paper
    P.L.Vishweshwer Rao
    (Professor and Head, Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University)

    (Reproduced from

    The long-suppressed agony of Telangana people is finding expression once again in their aspirations for independent existence and separate identity. After the great betrayal of 1971, they have once again gathered strength to assert themselves; they prepared to stake their all for realization of their dream to be free from the bondage to the people of coastal Andhra.

    No movement, no struggle has ever started from the top: from intellectuals, thinkers, political and other leaders, elected representatives and so on. Inevitably, the struggles begin from people - the people give expression to their suffering because it is they who are victims of status quo. The long-dormant hope in the people of Telangana was awakened with the announcement as statehood for Uttarakhand by the Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda. Within a year it has gathered so much strength that politicians, realizing its potential have jumped on to its bandwagon. Such disparate schools of thought as People's War Group and Bharatiya Janata Party have supported statehood for Telangana.

    Why Telangana State? Because successive governments and ruling political parties have not only neglected to develop Telangana but have systematically exploited it, denying its share of funds, grabbing its rich, fertile land, exploiting its mineral riches and impoverishing its people. Telangana people have been looked down upon, their language derided, their customs and traditions scorned at, their land grabbed, their houses snatched away. They have been discriminated against in recruitment and developmental programmes. In short, they were colonized in 1956 even as the country threw off colonial yoke.

    Let us see a conscious, deliberate well-thought out and implemented conspiracy has worked against the interests of Telangana in the fields of education, irrigation, employment, industrialization, and allotment of funds and the region's share in income for its development. Even in cropping pattern is changing for the worse in Telangana, its traditional food crops being replaced with commercial crops with disastrous consequences.

    Education Elementary education is recognized as one of the fundamental human rights. And yet this human right has been denied to the people of Telangana: the region has the lowest literacy rate and minimal educational infrastructure in the state.

    Andhra Pradesh, with a literacy rate of 44.09 percent ranks among the least literate state. It ranks 26th in the country out of 31 states and Union Territories. It is the most backward in the entire south. As many as eight districts of Telangana out of 10 (including Hyderabad) figure among the most backward educationally. Mahbubnagar has the least literacy rate, both among males(40.8 per cent) and females(18 percent). The entire Telangana, except Hyderabad city and Ranga Reddy Urban areas which are Hyderabad, has lagged behind educationally. Not a single mandal of Telangana has the national literacy rate of 52.19 percent. Coastal Andhra districts account for 33 out of 45 rural mandals which exceeds the national literacy rate ( the rest being Rayalaseema). The mandals with lowest literacy rate of less than 20 percent are more in Telangana, as a consequence: 35 such mandals are in Telangana, almost three times those in Coastal Andhra (14). There are only two such mandals in Rayalaseema. District-wise, Adilabad has most of these mandals (14), followed by Mahbubnagar (9), Medak (6), Khammam (3) and Nizamabad, Karimnagar and Nalgonda (one each).

    Although Telangana accounts for half of the state's population, less than 25 percent of educational institutions from primary to college level are situated in the region. Only 15 percent of aided junior colleges are in Telangana while it has only two medical colleges. As many as six medical colleges are in the other areas. The region is discriminated in the field of technical education also. Only 26 out of the 72 government ITIs, 20 of the 91 polytechnic colleges are in Telangana. The gross injustice to Telangana can be seen from expenditure on education. Of the total expenditure of Rs 1150.2 crore the state has incurred on the aided degree colleges since 1956, coastal Andhra cornered the loin's share of 73.71 percent while Telangana got a paltry 10.43 percent. The corresponding share of the two regions in the expenditure incurred on the aided junior colleges is 62.71 percent and 9.45 percent, respectively. In this kind of lopsidedness, how can literacy spread? This is no accident; it cannot be especially since it has continued since 1956, and it pervades all type of education - school, college, professional and technical. This discrimination is deliberate, conscious and planned given its spread, the extent, and all-pervasiveness, it cannot be anything but a conspiracy against the people of Telangana.

    IrrigationOf the three regions of the state, Telangana has the largest area, with 11,48,000 sq km, followed by coastal Andhra with 9,28,000 sq km. The cultivable area is estimated at 64,02,358 hectares in Telangana and 46,33,304 hectares in the Coastal Andhra. But 13,12,795 hectares or 28.33 percent of the cultivable land in the Coastal Andhra is being irrigated under canal irrigation system, whereas 2,66,964 hectares or 4.17 percent of the cultivable land in Telangana is receiving canal waters. The entitlement of Telangana of waters of Krishna and Godavari rivers is 975 tmc. ft. In 1974, 800 tmc.ft water was allotted to AP by the Bachawat Award to Andhra Pradesh. A re-distribution of this in 1981 saw coastal Andhra getting the major share with 377.07 tmc, Telangana 266.783 tmc and Rayalaseema 123 tmc. Telangana's share in Godavari waters is 709 tmc.ft of the state's total allotment of 1,495 tmc.ft. Out of its total share 1153.50 tmc (from all sources) barely 380 tmc is used for irrigation.

    The discrimination against Telangana stands out glaringly in the amounts spent by the state on irrigation. The amount spent in Telangana so far is Rs. 4005 crores while that spent in Coastal Andhra is Rs. 19,693.50 crores, nearly five times higher. In terms of percentage, while Telangana got a mere 15.5 percent, coastal Andhra got 76 percent. If the principle of expenditure proportionate to cultivable area were to be followed (as it should be), Telangana, with 44.28 percent cultivable area should have got an equivalent amount and coastal Andhra 32.04 percent. Instead, coastal Andhra got more than twice its share.

    Since 1956 to date, the additional irrigation potential created in Telangana is only 5 percent since none of the planned irrigation projects have been completed although they were planned 30-40 years ago. The 12 projects sanctioned for Telangana at an estimated cost Rs. 5,449.53 crore to provide for 10.08 lakh hectares have been progressing at snail's pace for decades.

    The Sriram Sagar Project (SRSP) was started 1n 1963 and is yet to be completed. Even the first phase of the project was not completed after 33 years. The rehabilitation of the displaced people under this project is still pending. The Bheema project, which is older than Andhra Pradesh has remained on paper. Jurala, Icchampally too have languished. While experts and decision makers debate interminably and have still not decided on Srisailam Left Bank Canal ( which is to irrigate about 3 lakhs hectares in Telangana), to supply water either through lift or tunnel. The Srisailam Right Bank Canal feeding the coastal districts progresses steadily. Even the 33 medium projects proposed in Telangana which could utilize 80 to 100 tmc of water at a cost Rs 500 crore have been kept pending. Compare this delay with alacrity attending on the Telugu Ganga project: it got funds allocated consistently year after year, within 12 years of its grounding, the project is supplying water to Chennai.

    Even budgetary allocation are not fully spent on projects benefiting Telangana. For the Bheema lift irrigation scheme, the budgetary allocation was nine crore rupees in 1996-97, which was pruned to Rs 10 lakhs. Subsequently, only six lakh rupees were spent. On the SRSP, only six crore rupees were spent during 1996-97 against an allocation of Rs 25 crores. In 33 years only Rs 978 crores had been spent on SRSP. And yet Rs 1075 crores were spent on Telugu Ganga in 12 years.

    Callous indifference and neglect of maintenance of tanks in Telangana has reduced the area under tank irrigation by half, an unprecedented occurrence. In 1956-57, 4,47 lakh hectares were under tank irrigation which has come down to 2.26 lakh hectares. This increasingly made Telangana farmers resort to exploiting groundwater which is suicidal for a semi-arid region. This dependence on pumpsets saw a great tragedy befall Telangana farmers early this year: as power supply was erratic, irregular and of low quality (low voltage), they incurred huge losses as other region suffered as much due to power scarcity as Telangana.

    Power Situation As irrigation projects for Telangana got bogged down in delays, cost-overruns, controversies, power generation projects too suffered. The Srisailam Left bank canal is one such project. Only 1543 mw of power is generated in this region whereas the generating capacity of the other two regions is 7477 mw. All power situations with the exception Ramagundam and Kothagudem are located outside Telangana, although Telangana accounts for a major share of power consumption and more than three-fourths of catchment area of Krishna and Godavari rivers is in Telangana. That the needs of Telangana are at the bottom of priorities of the government is evident from the fact as many as two lakh applications for new power connection is pending with the government. Yet, there is no plan to increase the power generating capacity in Telangana even as two lakh people wait in vain for a power connection.Changing Crop Pattern

    A dangerous and little-noticed development that threatens Telangana is the changing cropping pattern in the region with food crops giving away to cash crops. The change has been taking place over two decades now with food crops suitable for semi-arid regions giving way to water-intensive cash crops. Staple cereals such as jawar, maize and bajra preferred by local people, serving as food for them and fodder for their cattle have declined significantly in area. The area under jawar has come down from 13,63,169 hectares to 7,97,864 hectares during 1981-84 to 1990-93. Bajra declined from 1,94,981 hectares to 64,398 hectares and maize fell to 2,55,863 hectares from 3,17,098 hectares. Coarse cereals have been the major staple food for millions of people in the area and a shift from these crops needs to be understood in the context of the needs of the people most of whom continue to languish in poverty. Groundnut, castor, sunflower, cotton, chillies and sugarcane have witnessed considerable growth in cropped area. While sunflower registered 500 percent growth, it is more than 100 percent in case of cotton. Except for castor and groundnut, all other crops have entered the region quite recently.

    While it may seem strange that the impoverished farmers of Telangana are opting for water-intensive cash crops in the place of rain-fed food crops, the fact is that this change has been brought about the migrant farmers and not the native ones. Settled in tracts irrigated by Nagarjunasagar and Sriransagar canals, these farmers who came to Telangana in 50s and 60s have adopted sugarcane, sunflower, chillies, cotton and groundnut since returns on them are higher than on traditional crops. Liberalization and opening of the market has come as god-sent opportunity to these farmers to make more money at he cost of the people of Telangana.

    In Medak, where cotton has been introduced by the Coastal Andhra farmers on a wide scale, the people realized the dangers from it: it introduced new pests to the region and new diseases since the crop requires heavy doses of strong pesticides, and more important, the change in their dietary habits, from jawar and maize to rice had come with high undesirable price: insufficient nutrition to them and shortage of fodder for their cattle. Helped by NGO, the people have gone back to their traditional crops, which have provided them since time immemorial, food and fodder.

    Another development as a result of this change is the rise of a merchant class in towns dealing in these inputs, a majority of whom are immigrants from coastal area. The cash-rich migrants beat the local entrepreneurs and farmers out of the market.

    Employment in GovernmentThe entire government and its various departments are dominated by people of Coastal Andhra. This pattern has been a blatant violation of agreement to share government jobs between Andhra and Telangana in the ratio of 2:1. Out of 14 lakh jobs in the government today(1997 figures), Telangana's share has been barely two lakhs and these too are in lower levels. Similarly, of the 531 judicial officers, only 92 belong to the region. Of the 22 judges in the state high court, there are only two representing Telangana. Moreover, no one from Telangana could become the advocate-general since the state was formed in 1956. On the educational front, of the 96,031 primary teachers, only 15,921 belong to Telangana. All the top and middle level jobs cornered by Andhra people: there's not a single secretary in the government today belonging to Telangana. Out of 140 heads of department in the government barring a handful, all are from Coastal Andhra. Public and private undertakings, autonomous bodies, corporations and universities have been made the monopoly of Andhras.

    Rules have been twisted, manipulated or simply ignored to ensure government jobs went to those from coastal a Andhras and to keep out Telangana people. The present trend is to keep out the Telangana people even from the posts of peons, bus conductors and drivers. The new recruits are all brought over from coastal districts. This strategy has been adopted since 1956 despite agreements entered into, working out the procedure and share. For instance, in 1966, all of the 70,000 vacancies, of which 90 percent went to the people of Andhra.

    The latest example is that of recruitment of more than 200 munisif magistrates, the highest post under direct recruitment. In course of time, they will become district and high court judges. Evidently, with an eye on capturing these crucial posts, the procedure has been changed, more centers of examinations opened in coastal Andhra towns, and it was ensured that an overwhelming majority of examiners chosen belong to Coastal Andhra: 50 of 55 judges-examiners were Andhras. The written examination was held on February 23, 1997. The results were predictable: 68 candidates (80 percent of them from Andhra region) passed from Hyderabad; Warangal ( the only center in Telangana) was only 15. Visakapatnam accounted for 85, Vijaywada 75 and Tirupati 47 successful candidates. Only 30 candidates out of 290 called for interview are from Telangana.

    Industrial DevelopmentIndustrialization of Telangana has been restricted to the Hyderabad city and Ranga Reddy district due to their physical proximity to the seat of the government. Industries in other parts of Telangana did not take off other than those set up prior to 1956. Several industries in Telangana have been allowed to become sick with government refusing to help out to restore them. Today, more and more PSUs such as Allwyn Auto and Republic Forge, located in Telangana are being closed down by the government for various reason. Those threatened include Antargoan and Sirpur Sirsilk Mills. Others in the line for closure are Nizams Sugar factory, FCI at Godavarikhani and Miryalguda Sugar Mill.

    According to data, a major chunk of the existing medium and major industrial units in Telangana are owned by people from coastal Andhra. Of the 10,0000 odd units located in Telangana, only 1250 units are owned by the native Telanganites. Coastal Andhra industrialists own 6000 units and the rest are owned by outsiders from different parts of the country. With regard to employment in these industrial units, only 23 percent belong to Telangana, the rest hail from the Coastal Andhra region.

    Budget Allocation In terms of budget allocations, the pattern is the same: denial, deprivation and diversion. Based on area and population, Telangana should get 39-44 percent of the state's budget allocations. But at no point did its allocation exceed 30 percent. Yet Telangana contributes 42 percent of revenue to the state exchequer. Besides, according to some reports, as much as Rs 5000 crores allocated to Telangana under various heads by successive state governments have been diverted to the coastal Andhra region in the past two decades. This is hardly unbelievable since diversion of all kinds of wealth and resources including Telangana's share of water, has become a regular practice. The plunder and exploitation of Telangana to benefit the coastal Andhra region and its people has been planned, constant and systematic.The utter indifference of the officials toward Telangana can be seen from a recent occurrence. The Nizamsagar dam on Manjira river, built in 1931 was designed to irrigate 1.1 lakh hectares but enormous siltation over the years has reduced its ayacut by half. A satellite mapping has shown that all its major distributaries (83 in number) and minor distributaries (243) have been silted up as the canal bunds eroded. Nine gates of the dam meant for letting silt escape from the reservoir has been jammed for the past 20 years, reducing the capacity of the reservoir. Nothing has been done to rectify them. In 1992-93, the World bank lent Rs 30 crores for Nizamsagr through its Natural Water Program for remodeling the project. The government utilized only six crores rupees and the rest of the amount lapsed. The state government failed to get the loan revived. A high-powered committee went into question of finding funds for the project and submitted its recommendations in 1994. They have remained on the paper.

    Similar is the situation of all major and minor irrigation sources all over Telangana. Breached bunds siltation, infestation by water hyacinth have slowly killed them in places, reduced their ayacut, forcing farmers to drill borewells and open wells as in Toopran mandal of Medak district. This has affected the water table in the region. Medak has as many as 1.2 lakh borewells, all dug in the last few years.

    Diversion of resources from an area to another to benefit the latter is feature of colonizer. And this has been going for several decades. Water from Krishana and Godavari, coal from Singareni, limestone for cement factories owned by Andhra entrepreneurs, revenue from Telangana are all diverted to Coastal Andhra region, or Andhra businessmen and entrepreneurs of Andhra settlers in Telangana. The result has been the impoverishment of the people of Telangana, slow and tardy development of the region, oppression of the people by unemployment, discrimination and lack of opportunities.

    Statehood is the only Answer to Telangana's Suffering For hundreds of years, people from various parts of India made Telangana their home. There have never been any instance of intolerance of Telangana people towards them. To the credit of the immigrants, they too adopted the local culture, and contributed some their own to Telangana culture. However, the Andhras were a different category. They came, made their home and life in Telangana, and in a few years, assumed a superior, arrogant posture, looking down upon the Telangana people. Gradually, people who had come looking for opportunities, displaced the local people from every field. This brings to mind the pattern followed by European immigrants to the Americas and the English in India, in fact colonizers everywhere: they come as guests, stay as friends, turn occupiers, and overtime, shunt out the local people to reservations refusing them a place of respect in their dispensation, treating as a lower class citizens.Case for Smaller States

    Whether it is a case of state of Jharkhand or Telangana, the demand for a separate state is opposed mainly by those who have benefited from the exploitation of the disaffected people, just as colonizers everywhere. Several arguments have been put forth against the need, viability and purpose of Telangana. Most important, will Telangana become reality? And if it does, will it eradicate the problems of backwardness, poverty, illiteracy and unemployment?

    Need for TelanganaFor all the above reasons discussed above, Telangana has to separate. Another important reason is that the merger of the two regions in 1956 did not result in the merger of their hearts, nor have the last 40 years led to emotional integration. Quite to the contrary, in fact, because the economic inequality has grown, the developmental divide has become a chasm and the cultural differences have moved the two people further away. This is because over the last four decades, the relationship of two unequal partners deteriorated into one of oppressor - oppressed, exploiter - exploited. colonizer - colonized. The division has so greatly deepened that there's no going back.. history, attitudes, prejudices cannot be undone easily.

    The common language, Telugu, has been devisive rather than unifying factor because that has been the major, most visible and universally experienced by Telangana people. They have been discriminated against, humiliated and ridiculed for the language they speak. If English language is the one dividing factor between English and American people, it is even more so between the people of Telangana and Coastal Andhra: they have been divided by a common language. This one factor rejects the premise of the state reorganization committee that language binds.

    Can a backward region develop economically independently? Or does its future lie in a larger state? Experience of larger states like UP, MP and Bihar has shown that size impedes rather than promotes development - the backward remain backward; the administration is unwieldy, and the growth concentrated in pockets. The answer lies in smaller states where decentralization of administration is possible; developmental activities can be more focused in smaller areas; and people can be involved in the process of development, which is a major factor in giving a push to development. An example of how smaller, backward region can come into its own after separating from the more developed region can be seen in Harayana after breaking away from Punjab, and Himachal Pradesh.

    Today in India, almost every large state is facing the demand from its backward, neglected, culturally different people to be recognized as different and given independent status and separate identity. Apart from Telangana, 11 regions are seeking statehood, and these are: Vidarbha (Maharastra), Saurastra(Gujarat), Chattisgarh(Madya Pradesh), Malwa, Bundelkhand( both comprising parts of MP and UP), Pancahl Pradesh (Western UP), Poorvanchal (Eastern UP), Uttarkhand (UP), Bodoland (Assam) Gorkhaland( West Bengal) and Jharkhand ( Bihar).

    The size of the state cannot be a factor for its viability, as it is being argued by some. If that factor were top be applied, then Telangana should be considered first since there are at least five existing states that are smaller than Telangana. Telangana with 11.48 lakh square kilometers area, 107 Assembly and 14 Parliament constituencies with three crore population is larger than the states of Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan, Hoimachal Pradesh, and Kerala. Another 49 assembly constituencies and nine parliament constituencies will be added to the present 107 assembly and 14 loka Sabha seats once the constituencies reorganized.

    There is nothing sacrosanct about the 1956 merger that it has to be retained at the cost of the people of Telangana. The demand for separate state is neither undemocratic nor unconstitutional. In fact, by refusing to heed the genuine aspirations of the people, the rulers are being undemocratic. They are trying to supress the movement only to protect their own interests and hegemony over Telangana. The ceded districts of Madras Presidency - the Costal Andhra districts - put forth several reasons justfying their demand for separate state in the 1950s.They are extremely similar to those put forward by the people of Tlanga today: political and cultural domination by the Tamils; economic exploitation, discrimination in employment and education, uneven development of the land of the Telugus and jeopardy to the individuality and self-respect of the Telugu people.

    The late K .Kaleshwara Rao, the first Speaker of the AP Legislative Assembly in his autobiography expanded on the perception of Andhras under Tamilians, that the latter had greater influence in the legislature, executive and judiciary and the Andhra district were neglected in industries, power, employment, education and economic development. "There are nine bridges across Cauvery but not even one on Krishna and Godavari…the pace of development of towns in Andhra area is no comparison to that of Tamil districts," he said. Supporting the movement for a separate Andhra state, an editorial in Andhra Patrika said, "If a separate state is formed, the very reason for Telugus' backwardness will disappear." If a separate state was an answer to Andhras' development in 1953, why can't a similar solution be adopted for Telangana in 1997?

    Agenda for a Separate Telangana StateIt is extremely important that if our efforts for a separate state are to succeed we have a clear vision of the future of its people. An agenda needs to be developed through a pooling of ideas, tasks prioritized, and plans outlined to tackle the major problems facing the people.

    Blueprints would have to be drawn up for a social and economic development of the people. An action plan is necessary for the immediate tasks on hand, such as land reforms. This could be worked out to be completed within a time-frame to avoid the pitfalls of earlier well-meaning intentions that were hijacked by vested interests in free India.

    Universal educational should be the first priority; special efforts should be made make access to education available to the Dalits, women and minorities. This task too should be achieved within a specific time-frame.

    Other priorities should be safe drinking water in all villages, electricity and health for all. The rich mineral resources of Telangana, the fertile soil, massive irrigation potential and the hard-working nature of its people will help them to realize their dreams.

    A word about the support PWG has extended to Telangana state.: it is welcome, as is all support, from within Telangana and outside. Given the political dominance and brute majority enjoyed by ruling Telugu Desam Party in the Assembly, given the control of the mass media by Coastal Andhra people, and given the threat a separate Telangana poses to the entrenched economic interests that have grown at the cost of Telangana people, any and all support is necessary to carry the struggle forward.

    The statement of PWG that it will only support and not lead the agitation should lay to rest apprehensions of break out of violence, or that the struggle for Telangana would be hijacked by PWG. Solidarity and unity of all people, of all ideologies, of all persuasions is the need of the hour.

    Another fear, perfectly justified, is that the support of PWG might be used by the state to suppress the Telangana movement. The government has found it convenient to blame PWG for the continuing backwardness of the region, for the agitation of the farmers against low voltage, and for many struggles taking place all over Telangana for justice. There is every danger of the government using the excuse of PWG support to Telangana to crackdown on the movement to suppress it. That is why the movement has to be democratic, peaceful and non-violent.